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??/06/93
- We help bang' em up Now help get' em out
LAST YEAR sisters Michelle and Lisa Taylor were convicted
of the brutal murder of Alison Shaughnessy. It was a story
that captured the imagination of the media, especially the
tabloids, who found a sexy story in the height of the silly
season and went to town on it.
The Crown's case was covered in intimate detail, because Michelle
had had an 'affair with Alison's husband, John. She was alleged
to have written a diary of hate, but it contained nothing
out of the ordinary for a jilted lover. The reporting of a
serious case in such a frivolous manner had two main consequences.
It ruined the lives of two young women and it allowed a very
serious issues to pass without comment. Evidence has emerged
to show that both women were innocent of the crime. The case
against them has begun to unravel, but very serious causes
for concern remained unreported.
One is that their case was the first in which a fingerprint
had been "dated" in a court in Britain. The expert
refused to sign a statement to that effect and quickly retracted
it, but by then the damage had been done. The implications
of this are awesome: It meant that if you had ever been in
a place where a crime was subsequently committed and you lied
about ever having been there you could be convicted.
Another issue is the relatively new technique of "frame
grabbing". A video of the Shaughnessys' wedding came
into the hands of the Daily Mirror, which grabbed a frame
of Michelle Taylor apparently giving the bridegroom an intimate
kiss. In fact the video, when played, shows it was a very
brief and formal peck on the cheek.
And this was during the trial. The police spread misinformation
in their briefings to the press. For example, they described
Lisa as being "like an IRA terrorist" because she
took the right to silence on legal advice. The behaviour of
the press is likely to come in for scrutiny when their appeals
are heard later this year.
"The press have a lot to answer for," says Ann Taylor
(Michelle and Lisa's mother). The case is set to test the
relationship between the media and the law.
Not surprisingly the Taylors want legislation to curb the
excesses of the press. However, where journalists helped to
convict the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four, Tottenham Three,
Winchester Three, Cardiff Three and countless others, it was
the tireless work of investigative journalists which exposed
these travesties of justice in tandem with campaigners.
The Taylor family have the support of several journalists.
Duncan Campbell, crime correspondent of the Guardian, points
out that there isn't the same interest in miscarriages of
justice as there was when the Guildford Four were finally
vindicated. Newsdesks feel miscarriages of justice are old
news.
The Guardian has run a series called justice OnTrial, which
highlighted several miscarriages of justice, including the
Cardiff Three who were exonerated last December. "We
get hundreds of letters a year from prisoners and we simply
can't investigate all of these cases as thoroughly as they
deserve.
Journalists can't act as a court of last resort. The Royal
Commission on Criminal Justice is likely to recommend that
an independent review body be established to investigate alleged
miscarriages of justice," says Duncan Campbell. He also
praised the work of TV programmes like Rough Justice. "But
for every case that they highlight there are another twelve
that they can't."
It was a concern high on the agenda of Steve Haywood, former
producer of Rough Justice who left for Channel 4 last year,
along with Steve Phelps and David Jessel, to make a similar
series called Trial and Error. At a time when Lord Denning,
former Master of the Rolls, said "British justice is
in ruins", there was no increase in the BBC's output
of programmes.
Charles Hunter, the new producer of Rough justice pledged
to continue its high standards. He would like to make more
programmes but recognises that the demands of television do
not permit that. "Rough Justice's standards have to be
even higher than defence lawyers.
We cannot afford to make a mistake, because we know that we
have to convince our viewers as well as the Home Office and
the Court of Appeal," says Hunter. "Even though
there has been a change in climate in the Court of Appeal
from Lord Lane to Lord Taylor we know that they are watching
us carefully.
We cannot hide anything and where lawyers have plenty of time
to convince twelve jurors of their innocence we have forty
minutes to convince a few million." Rough Justice and
Trial and Error can only make a maximum of three programmes
per year. Both programmes get several letters a week.
While neither Charles Hunter, Steve Haywood or Duncan Campbell
believe that they should be seen as a court of last resort,
they often represent the last hope for those wrongfully convicted
and despite their wishes journalists often are the last resort
for the victims of miscarriages of justice.
The National Association of Probation Officers estimates that
there are at least 700 victims of miscarriages of justice
in British prisons. Although programmes like First Tuesday,
Panorama, Black Bag and Dispatches may screen one or two programmes
in each run, it is still a drop in the ocean and they are
only interested in the high profile cases.
The vast majority of miscarriages of justice are not high
profile cases. This makes for competition between prisoners
to get their plight aired, in circumstances where investigative
journalists cannot help them all. Nothing breeds hope faster
than success, but few journalists can afford to specialise
in the way that investigating such abuses demands.
Those that do are overstretched and overworked and have to
make difficult decisions on which cases to prioritise. Before
the release of the Guildford Four, specialists in the field
were accustomed to banging their heads against brick walls.
The problems are quite different now. They have to deal with
a vast increase in prisoners seeking help.
Both Rough Justice and Trial and Error have tough criteria
before they will decide to screen a case. They must be able
to prove innocence and they must be able to discover enough
new evidence to give the prisoner a realistic chance of exoneration
on appeal.
It explains their high success rate, but it allows several
people who should not have been convicted to slip through
the net. For example, a killing in self defence or domestic
violence could not meet those criteria. Perhaps the euphoria
that surrounded the overturning of high profile miscarriages
of justice has subsided.
There are no equivalent cases to the Birmingham Six, Guildford
Four and Tottenham Three any more. Not all specialists are
pessimistic. Steve Haywood believes that things are a lot
better than they were and that journalists are far more sensitive
to miscarriages of justice.
"For those of us who have been involved for many years
it is encouraging that attention is now being given to points
which we have complained of incessantly," he says Haywood.
"Miscarriages of justice have been flavour of the month,
but there is still a tendency by journalists to concentrate
their efforts on the high profile political cases rather than
the day to day miscarriages which are the most reprehensible
part of our system."
Despite his views there is a clear danger that "miscarriage
of justice fatigue" has already set in. Journalists are
waiting for the Royal Commission to solve the problems and
then the law can get back to business as usual. Meanwhile
the victims of our justice system will continue to suffer
and hope that someone somewhere will take an interest in their
plight.
Isn't it about time that we faced up to our responsibilities
and stopped allowing ourselves to be used to ruin innocent
lives?
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